Mr. J.N. Mandal,
Minister for Law and Labour,
Government of Pakistan
On 8th October, 1950
Minister for Law and Labour,
Government of Pakistan
On 8th October, 1950
My
Dear Prime Minister,
It is with a heavy heart and a sense of utter frustration at the failure of my
life-long mission to uplift the backward Hindu masses of East Bengal that I
feel compelled to tender resignation of my membership of your Cabinet. It is
proper that I should set forth in detail the reasons, which have prompted me to
take this decision in this important juncture of the history of Indo-Pakistan
Sub-continent.
(
1 ) Before I narrate the remote and
immediate causes of my resignation, it may be useful to give a short background of important events that have taken place during the period of my co-operation with the League, Having been approached by a few prominent League leaders of Bengal in February 1943, I agreed to work with them in the Bengal Legislative Assembly. After the fall of the Fazlul Haque Ministry in March 1943, with a party of 21 Scheduled Caste M.L.As, I agreed to co-operate with Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party who formed the Cabinet in April 1943. Our co-operation was conditional on some specific terms in the such as the inclusion of three Scheduled Caste Ministers in the Cabinet, sanctioning of a sum of Rupees five lakhs (Rs. 500,000) as annual recurring grant for the education of the Scheduled Castes, and unqualified implementation of the communal ratio rules in the matter of appointment to Government services.
immediate causes of my resignation, it may be useful to give a short background of important events that have taken place during the period of my co-operation with the League, Having been approached by a few prominent League leaders of Bengal in February 1943, I agreed to work with them in the Bengal Legislative Assembly. After the fall of the Fazlul Haque Ministry in March 1943, with a party of 21 Scheduled Caste M.L.As, I agreed to co-operate with Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then leader of the Muslim League Parliamentary party who formed the Cabinet in April 1943. Our co-operation was conditional on some specific terms in the such as the inclusion of three Scheduled Caste Ministers in the Cabinet, sanctioning of a sum of Rupees five lakhs (Rs. 500,000) as annual recurring grant for the education of the Scheduled Castes, and unqualified implementation of the communal ratio rules in the matter of appointment to Government services.
(
2 ) Apart from those terms, the principal objectives that prompted me to
work in co-operation with Muslim League was, first that the economic interests
of the Muslim in Bengal generally were identical with those of the Scheduled
Castes. Muslims were mostly cultivators and labourers, so were members of the
Scheduled Castes. One section of Muslims was fishermen, so was a section of
Scheduled Castes as well and, secondly, that the Scheduled Castes and Muslims
were both educationally backward. I was persuaded that my co-operation with the
League and its Ministry would lead to the undertaking on a wide scale of
legislative and administrative measures which, while promoting the mutual
welfare of the vast bulk of Bengal's population and undermining the foundations
of vested interest and privilege, would further the cause of communal peace and
harmony. It may be mentioned here that Khwaja Nazimuddin took three Scheduled
Caste Ministers in this Cabinet and appointed three Parliamentary Secretaries
from amongst the members of my community.
SUHRAWARDY
MINISTRY
(
3 ) After the general election held in March 1946, Mr. H.S. Suhrawardy
became the leader of the League Parliamentary Party and formed the League
Ministry in April 1946. I was the only Scheduled Caste member returned to the
Federation ticket. I was included in Mr. Suhrawardy's cabinet. The 16th day of
August of that year was observed as "The Direct Action Day" by the
Muslim League. It resulted, in a holocaust.. Hindus demanded my resignation
from the League ministry. My life was in peril. I began to receive threatening
letters almost every day. But I remained steadfast to my policy. Moreover, I
issued an appeal through our journal "Jagaran" to the Scheduled Caste
people to keep themselves aloof from the bloody feud between the Congress and
the Muslim League even at the risk of my life. I cannot but gratefully acknowledge
the fact that I was saved from the wrath of infuriated Hindu mobs by my Caste
Hindu neighbours. The "Noakhali Riot" followed the Calcutta carnage
in October 1946. There, Hindus including Scheduled Castes were killed and
hundreds were converted to Islam. Hindu women were raped and abducted. Members
of my community also suffered loss of life and property. Immediately after
these happenings, I visited Tipperah and Feni and saw some riot-affected areas.
The terrible sufferings of Hindus overwhelmed me with grief, but still I
continued the policy of co-operation with the Muslim League. Immediately after
the massive Calcutta Killing, a no-confidence motion was moved against the
Suhrawardy Ministry. It was only due to my efforts that the support of four
Anglo-Indian Members and four Scheduled Caste members of the Assembly who had
hitherto been with the Congress could be secured, but for which the Ministry
would have been defeated.
(
4 ) In October 1946, most unexpectedly came to me through Mr. Suhrawardy
the offer of a seat in the Interim Government of India. After a good deal of
hesitation and being given only one hour's time to take my final decision, I
consented to accept the offer subject to the condition only that I should be
permitted to resign if my leader, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar disapproved of my action.
Fortunately, however, I received his approval in a telegram sent from London.
Before I left for Delhi to take over as Law Member, I persuaded Mr. Suhrawardy,
the then Chief Minister of Bengal, to agree to take two Ministers in his
Cabinet in my place and to appoint two Parliamentary Secretaries from the
Scheduled Caste Federation Group.
(
5 ) I joined the Interim Government on November 1, 1946. After about a
month when I paid a visit to Calcutta, Mr. Suhrawardy apprised me of the
communal tension in some parts of East Bengal, especially in Gopalganj
Sub-division, where the Namasudras were in majority, being very high. He
requested me to visit those areas and address meetings of Muslims and Namasudras.
The fact was that Namasudras in those areas had made preparations for
retaliation. I addressed about a dozen of largely attended meetings. The result
was that Namasudras gave up the idea of retaliation. Thus an inevitable
dangerous communal disturbance was averted.
(
6 ) After a few months, the British Government made their June 3 Statement
(1947) embodying certain proposals for the partition of India. The whole
country, especially the entire non-Muslim India, was startled. For the sake of
truth I must admit that I had always considered the demand of Pakistan by the
Muslim League as a bargaining counter. Although I honestly felt that in the
context India as a whole Muslims had legitimate cause for grievance against
upper class Hindu chauvinism, I held the view very strongly indeed that the
creation of Pakistan would never solve the communal problem. On the contrary,
it would aggravate communal hatred and bitterness. Besides, I maintained that
it would not ameliorate the condition of Muslims in Pakistan. The inevitable
result of the partition of the country would be to prolong, if not perpetuate,
the poverty, illiteracy and miserable condition of the toiling masses of both
the States. I further apprehended that Pakistan might turn to be one of the
most backward and undeveloped countries of the South East Asia region.
LAHORE
RESOLLUTION
(
7 ) I must make it clear that I have thought that an attempt would be made,
as is being done at present, to develop Pakistan as a purely 'Islamic' State
based on the Shariat and the injunctions and formularies of Islam. I presumed
that it would be set up in all essentials after the pattern contemplated in the
Muslim League resolution adopted at Lahore on March 23, 1940. That resolution
stated inter alia that (1) "geographically contiguous areas are demarcated
into regions which should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as
may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in
majority as in the north- Western and eastern zones of India, should be grouped
to constitute independent States in which the Constituent units shall be
autonomous and sovereign " and (2) " adequate, effective and
mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the Constitution for minorities
in these units and in these regions for the protection of their religious,
cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in
consultation with them." Implicit in this formula were (a) that North
western and eastern Muslim zones should be constituted into two Independent
States, (b) that the constituent units of these States should be autonomous and
sovereign, (c) that minorities guarantee should be in respect of rights as well
as of interest and extend to every sphere of their lives, and (d) that
Constitutional provisions should be made in these regards in consultation with
the minorities themselves. I was fortified in my faith in this resolution and
the professions of the League Leadership by the statement Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed
Ali Jonah was pleased to make on the 11th August 1947 as the President of the
Constituent Assembly giving solemn assurance of equal treatment for Hindus
& Muslims alike and calling upon them to remember that they were all
Pakistanis. There was then no question of dividing the people on the basis of
religion into full- fledged Muslim citizens and gummies being under the
perpetual custody of the Islamic State and its Muslim citizens. Every one of
these pledges is being flagrantly violated apparently to your knowledge and
with your approval in complete disregard of the Quaid-e-Azam's wishes and
sentiments and to the detriment and humiliation of the minorities.
PARTITION
OF BENGAL
(
8 ) It may also be mentioned in this connection that I was opposed to the
partition of Bengal. In launching a campaign in this regard I had to face not
only tremendous resistance from all quarters but also unspeakable abuse, insult
and dishonour. With great regret, I recollect those days when 32 crores of
Hinduism opposed my cations, but I remained undaunted and unmoved in my loyalty
to Pakistan. It is a matter of gratitude that my appeal to 7 million Scheduled
Caste people of Pakistan evoked a ready and enthusiastic response from them.
They lent me their unstinted support sympathy and encouragement.
(
9 ) After the establishment of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 you formed the
Cabinet, in which I was included and Khwaja Nazimuddin formed a provisional
Cabinet for East Bengal. On August 10, I had spoken to Khwaja Nazimuddin at
Karachi and requested him to take 2 Scheduled Caste Ministers in the East
Bengal Cabinet. He promised to do the same sometime later.
What happened subsequently in this regard was a record of unpleasant and
disappointing negotiations with you, Khwaja Nazimuddin and Mr. Nurul Amin, the
present Chief Minister of East Bengal. When I realised that Khwaja Nazimuddin
was avoiding the issue on this or that excuse, I became almost impatient and
exasperated, I further discussed the matter with the Presidents of the Pakistan
Muslim League and its East Bengal Branch. Ultimately, I brought the matter to
your notice. You were pleased to discuss the subject with Khwaja Nazimuddin in
my presence at your residence. Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to take one Scheduled
Caste Minister on his return to Dacca. As I had already become skeptic about
the assurance of Khwaja Nazimuddin, I wanted to be definite about the time
limit. I insisted that he must act in this regard within a month, failing which
I should be at liberty to resign. Both you and Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to the
condition. But, alas! You did not perhaps mean what you said. Khwaja Nazimuddin
did not keep his promise. After Mr. Nurul Amin had become the Chief Minister of
East Bengal, I again took up the matter with him. He also followed the same old
familiar tactics of evasion. When I again called your attention to his matter
prior to your visit to Dance in 1949, you were pleased to assure me that a
Minority Minister would be appointed in East Bengal, and you asked 2-3 names
from me for consideration. In stat deference to your wish, I sent you a note
stating the Federation Group in the East Bengal Assembly and suggesting three
names. When I made enquiries as to what had happened on your return from Dacca,
you appeared to be very cold and only remarked: "Let Nurul Amin return
from Delhi". After a few days I again pressed the matter.
ANTI-HINDU
POLICY
(
10 ) When the question of partition of Bengal arose, the Scheduled Caste
people were alarmed at the anticipated dangerous result of partition.
Representation on their behalf were made to Mr. Suhrawardy, the then Chief
Minister of Bengal who was pleased to issue a statement to the press declaring
that none of the rights and privileges hitherto enjoyed by the Scheduled Caste
people would be curtailed after partition and that they would not only continue
to enjoy the existing rights and privileges but also receive additional
advantages. This assurance was given by Mr. Suhrawardy not only in his personal
capacity but also in his capacity as a Chief Minister of the League Ministry.
To my utter regret it is to be stated that after partition, particularly after
the death of Quaid-e-Azam, the Scheduled Castes have not received a fair deal
in any matter. You will recollect that from time to time I brought the
grievances of the Scheduled Castes to your notice. I explained to you on
several occasions the nature of inefficient administration in East Bengal. I
made serious charges against the police administration. I brought to your
notice incidents of barbarous atrocities perpetrated by the police on frivolous
grounds. I did not hesitate to bring to your notice the anti-Hindu policy
pursued by the East Bengal government especially the police administration and
a section of Muslim League leaders.
SOME
INCIDENTS
(
11 ) The first incident that shocked me took place at a village called
Digharkul near Gopalganj where on the false complaint of a Muslim, brutal
atrocities were committed on the local Namasudras. The fact was that a Muslim
who was going in a boat attempted to throw his net to catch fish. A Namasudra
who was already there for the same purpose opposed to throwing of the net in
his front. This was followed by some altercations and the Muslim got annoyed
who went to a nearby Muslim village and made a false complaint that he and a
woman in his boat had been assaulted by the Namasudras. At the time, the S.D.O.
of Gopalganj was passing in a boat through the canal who without making any
enquiry accepted the complaint as true and sent armed police to the spot to
punish the Namasudra. The armed police came and the local Muslims also joined
them. They not only raided some houses of the Namasudras but mercilessly beat
both men and women, destroyed their properties and took away valuables. The
merciless beating of a pregnant woman resulted in abortion on the spot. This
brutal action on the part of the local authority created panic over a large
area.
(
12 ) The second incident of police repression took place in early part of
1949 under P.S. Gournadi in the district of Barisal. Here a quarrel took place
between two groups of members of a Union Board. One Group which was in the good
book of the Police conspired to punish the opponents on the plea of attack on
the Police Station, the O.C., Gournadi requisitioned armed forces from
headquarters. The Police, helped by the armed forces, then raided a large
number of houses in the area, took away valuable properties, even from the
houses of absentee-owners who were never in politics, far less in the Communist
Party. A large number of students of many High English Schools were Communist
suspects and unnecessarily harassed. This area being very near to my native
village, I was informed of the incident. I wrote to the District Magistrate and
the S.P. for an enquiry. A section of the local people also prayed for an
enquiry by the S.D.O. But no enquiry was held. Even my letters to the District
authorities were not acknowledged. I then brought this matter to the notice of
the highest Authority in Pakistan, including yourself but to no avail.
WOMEN
FOR MILITARY
(
13 ) The atrocities perpetrated by the police and military on the innocent
Hindus, especially the Scheduled Caste of Harbinger in the Dist. of Sleet
deserve description. Innocent men and women were brutally tortured, some women
ravished, their houses raided and properties looted by the police and the local
Muslims. Military pickets were posted in the area. The military not only
oppressed these people and took away stuffs forcibly from Hindus houses, but
also forced Hindus to send their women-folk at night to the camp to satisfy the
carnal desire of the military. This fact also I brought to your notice. You
assured me of a report on the matter, but unfortunately no report was
forthcoming.
(
14 ) Then occurred the incident at Nachole in the District of Rajshahi
where in the name of suppression of Communists not only the police but also the
local Muslims in collaboration with the police oppressed the Hindus and looted
their properties. The Santhals then crossed the border and came over to West
Bengal. They narrated the stories of atrocities wantonly committed by the
Muslims and the police.
(
15 ) An instance of callous and cold-blooded brutality is furnished by the
incident that took place on December 20, 1949 in Kalshira under P.S. Mollarhat
in the District of Khulna. What happened was that late at night four constables
raided the house of one Joydev Brahma in village Kalshira in search of some
alleged Communists. At the scent of the police, half a dozen of young men, some
of whom might have been Communists, escaped from the house. The police
constable entered into the house and assaulted the wife of Joydev Brahma whose
cry attracted her husband and a few companions who escaped from the house. They
became desperate, re-entered the house, found 4 constables with one gun only.
That perhaps might have encouraged the young men who struck a blow on an armed
constable who died on the spot. The young men then attacked another constable
when the other two ran away and raised alarm which attracted some neighbouring
people who came to their rescue. As the incident took place before sunrise when
it was dark, the assailants fled with dead body before the villagers could
come. The S.P. of Khulna with a contingent of military and armed police
appeared on the scene in the afternoon of the following day. In the meantime,
the assailants fled and the intelligent neighbours also fled away. But the bulk
of the villagers remained in their houses, as they were absolutely innocent and
failed to realise the consequence of the happening. Subsequently the innocents
of the entire village encouraged the neighbouring Muslims to take away their
properties. A number of persons were killed and men and women were forcibly
converted. House- hold deities were broken and places of worship desecrated and
destroyed. Several women were raped by the police, military and local Muslims.
Thus a veritable hell was let loose not only in the village of Kalshira which
is half miles in length with a large population, but also in a number of neighbouring
Namasudra villages. The village Kalshira was never suspected by the authority
to be a place of Communist activities. Another village called Jhalardanga,
which was at a distance of 3 miles from Kalshira, was known to be a centre of
Communist activities. This village was raided by a large contingent of police
on that day for hunt of the alleged Communists, a number of whom fled away and
took shelter in the aforesaid house of village Kalshira which was considered to
be a safe place for them.
(
16 ) I visited Kalashira and one or two neighboring villages on the 28th
February 1950. The S.P., Khulna and some of the prominent League leaders of the
district were with me. When I came to the village Kalshira, I found the place
desolate and in ruins. I was told in the presence of S.P.that there were 350
homesteads in this village; of these, only three had been spared and the rest
had been demolished. Country boats and heads of cattle belonging to the
Namasudras had been all taken away. I reported these facts to the Chief
Minster, Chief Secretary and Inspector General of Police of East Bengal and to
you.
(
17 ) It may be mentioned in this connection that the news of this incident
was published in West Bengal Press and this created some unrest among the
Hindus there. A number of sufferers of Kalshira, both men and women, homeless
and destitute had also come to Calcutta and narrated the stories of their
sufferings which resulted in some communal disturbances in West Bengal in the
last part of January.
CAUSES
OF THE FEBRUARY DISTURBANCE
(
18 ) It must be noted that stories of a few incidents of communal disturbance
that took place in West Bengal as a sort of repercussion of the incidents at
Kalshira were published in exaggerated form in the east Bengal press. In the
second week of February 1950 when the Budget Session of the East Bengal
Assembly commenced, the Congress Members sought permission to move
two-adjournment motion to discuss the situation created at Kalshira and
Nachole. But the motions were disallowed. The congress Member walked out of the
Assembly in protest. This action of the Hindu Members of the Assembly annoyed
and enraged not only the Ministers but also the Muslim leaders and officials of
the Province. This was perhaps one of the principal reasons for Dacca and East
Bengal riots in February 1950.
(
19 ) It is significant that on February 10, 1950 at about 10 O'clock in the
morning a woman was painted with red to show that her breast was cut off in
Calcutta riot, and was taken round that East Bengal Secretariat at Dacca.
Immediately, the Government servants of the Secretariat struck work and came
out in procession raising slogans of revenge against the Hindus. The procession
began to swell as it passed over a distance of more than a mile. It ended in a
meeting at Victoria Park at about 12O'clock in the noon where violent speeches
against the Hindus were delivered by several speakers, including officials. The
fun of the whole show was that while the employees of the Secretariat went out
in procession, the chief Secretary of the East Bengal Government was holding a
conference with his West Bengal counterpart in the same building to find out
ways and means to stop communal disturbances in the two Bengals.
OFFICIALS
HELPED LOOTERS
(
20 ) The riot started at about 1 p.m. simultaneously all over the city.
Arson, looting of Hindu shops and houses and killing of Hindus, wherever they
were found, commenced in full swing in all parts of the city. I got evidence
even from the Muslims that arson and looting were committed even in the
presence of high police officials. Jewellery shops belonging to the Hindus were
looted in the presence of police officers. They not only did not attempt to
stop loot, but also helped the looters with advice and direction. Unfortunately
for me, I reached Dacca at 5 O'clock in the afternoon on the same day, in
Feb.10,1950.To my utter dismay, I had occasion to see and know things from
close quarters. What I saw and learnt from first hand information was simply
staggering and heart-rending.
BACKGROUND
OF THE RIOT
(
21 ) The reasons for the Dacca riot were mainly five:
(i) To punish the Hindus for the
daring action of their representatives in the Assembly in their expression of
protest by walking out of the Assembly when two adjournment motions on Kashira
and Nachole affairs were disallowed;
(ii) Dissensions and difference
between the Suhrawardy Group and the Nazimuddin in the Parliamentary Party were
becoming acute;
(iii) Apprehension of launching of a
movement for re-union of East and West Bengal by both Hindu and Muslim leaders
made the East Bengal Ministry and the Muslim League nervous. They wanted to
prevent such a move. They thought that any large scale communal riot in East
Bengal was sure to produce reactions in West Bengal were Muslims might be
killed. The result of such riot in both East and East Bengal, it was believed,
would prevent any movement for re-union of Bengals.
(iv) Feeling of Antagonism between
the Bengalee Muslim and non-Bengalee Muslim in East Bengal was gaining ground.
This could only be prevented by creating hatred between Hindus and Muslims of
East Bengal. The language question was also connected with it and
(v) The consequences of
non-devaluation and Indo-Pakistan trade deadlock to the economy of East Bengal
were being felt most acutely first in urban and rural areas and the Muslim
League members and officials wanted to divert the attention of the Muslim
masses from the impending economic breakdown by some sort of jehad against
Hindus.
STAGGERING
DETAILS - NEARLY 10,000 KILLED
(
22 ) During my nine days' stay at Dacca , I visited most of the
riot-affected areas of the city and suburbs. I visited Mirpur also under
P.S.Tejgaon. The news of the killing of hundreds of innocent Hindus in trains,
on railway lines between Dacca and Narayanganj, and Dacca and Chittagong gave
me the rudest shock. on the second day of Dacca riot, I met the Chief Minister
of east Bengal and requested him to issue immediate instructions to the
District authorities to take all precautionary measures to prevent spreading of
the riot in district towns and rural areas. On the 20th February 1950, I
reached Barisal town and was astounded to know of the happenings in Barisal. In
the District of Hindus killed. I visited almost all riot-affected areas in the
District. I was simply puzzled to find the havoc wrought by the Muslim rioters
even at places like Kasipur, Madhabpasha and Lakutia, which were within a
radius of six miles from the District town and were connected with motor able
roads. At the Madhabpasha Zaminder's house, about 200 people were killed and 40
injured. A Place, called Muladi, witnessed a dreadful hell. At Muladi Bandar
alone, the number killed would total more than three hundred, as was reported
tome by the local Muslims including some officers. I visited Muladi village
also, where I found skeletons of dead bodies at some places. I found dogs and
vultures eating corpses on the riverside. I got the information there that
after the whole-scale killing of all adult males, all the young girls were
distributed among the ringleaders of the miscreants. At a place told
Kaibartakhali under P.S. Rajapur, 63 persons were killed. Hindu houses within a
stone's throw distance from the said Thana office were looted, burnt and
inmates killed. All Hindu shops of Babuganj Bazar were looted and then burnt
and a large number of Hindus were killed. From detailed information received,
the conservative estimate of casualties was placed at 2,500 killed in the
District of Barisal alone. Total casualties of Dacca and East Bengal riot were
estimated to be in the neighbourhood of 10,000 killed. I was really overwhelmed
with grief. The lamentation of women and children who had lost their all
including near and dear ones melted my hearts. I only asked myself. "What
was coming to Pakistan in the name of lslam".
NO
EARNEST DESIRE TO IMPLEMENT DELHI PACT
(
23 ) The large-scale exodus of Hindus from Bengal commenced in the latter
part of March. It appeared that within a short time all the Hindus would
migrate to India. Aware cry was raised in India. The situation became extremely
critical. A national calamity appeared to be inevitable. The apprehended
disaster, however, was avoided by the Delhi Agreement of April 8. With a view
to reviving the already lost morale of the panicky Hindus, I undertook an
extensive tour of East Bengal. I visited a number of places in the districts of
Dacca, Barisal, Faridpur, Khulna and Jessore. I addressed dozens of largely
attended meeting and asked the Hindus to take courage and not to leave their
ancestral hearths and homes. I had this expectation that the East Bengal Govt.
and Muslim League leaders would implement the terms of the Delhi Agreement. But
with the lapse of time, I began to realise that neither the East Bengal Govt.
nor the Muslim League leaders were really earnest in the matter of
implementation of the Delhi Agreement. The East Bengal Govt. was not only much
to set up a machinery as envisaged in the Delhi Agreement, but also was not
willing it take effective steps for the purpose. A number of Hindus who
returned to native village immediately after the Delhi Agreement were not given
possession of their homes and lands, which were occupied in the meantime by the
Muslims.
MOULANA
AKRAM KHAN'S INCITATIONS
(
24 ) My suspicion about the intention of League leaders was confirmed when
I read editorial comments by Moulana Akram Khan, the President of the
Provincial Muslim League in the "Baisak" issue of a monthly journal
called Mahammadi. In commenting on the first radio-broadcast of Dr. A.M. Malik,
Minister for Minority Affairs of Pakistan, from Dacca Radio Station, wherein he
said, "Even Prophet Mahammed had given religious freedom to the Jews in
Arabia", Moulana Akram Khan said, "Dr. Malik would have done well had
he not made any reference in his speech to the Jews of Arabia. It is true that
Jews in Arabia had been given religious freedom by Prophet Mahammed; but it was
the first chapter of the history. The last chapter contains the definite
direction of prophet Mahammed which runs as follows :-"Drive away all the
Jews out of Arabia". Even despite this editorial comment of a person who
held a very high position in the political, social and spiritual life of the
Muslim community, I entertained some expectation that the Nurul Amin Ministry
might not be so insincere. But that expectation of mine was totally shattered
when Mr. Nurul Amin selected D.N. Barari as a Minister to represent the
minorities in terms of the Delhi Agreement which clearly states that to restore
confidence in the mind of the minorities one of their representatives will be
taken in the Ministry of East Bengal and West Bengal Govt.
NURUL
AMIN GOVT'S. INSINCERITY
(
25 ) In one of my public statement , I expressed the view that appointment
of D.N. Barari as a Minister representing the minorities not only did not help
restore any confidence, but, on the contrary, destroyed all expectations or
illusion, if there was any in the minds of the minorities about the sincerity
of Mr. Nurul Amin Govt. my own reaction was that Mr. Nurul Amin's Govt. was not
only insincere but also wanted to defeat the principal objectives of the Delhi
Agreement. I again repeat that D.N. Barari does not represent anybody except
himself. He was returned to the Bengal Legislative Assembly on the Congress
ticket with the money and organisation of the Congress. He opposed the
Scheduled Caste Federation candidates. Some time after his election, he
betrayed the Congress and joined the Federation. When he was appointed a
Minister he had ceased to be a member of the Federation too. I know that East
Bengal Hindus agree with me that by antecedents, character and intellectual
attainments Barari is not qualified to hold the position of a Minister as
envisaged in the Delhi Agreement.
(
26 ) I recommended three names to Mr. Nurul Amin for this office. One of
the persons I recommended was an M.A., LL.B., Advocate, Dacca High Court. He
was Minister for more than 4 years in the first Fazlul Huq Ministry in Bengal.
He was chairman of the Coal Mines Stowing Board, Calcutta, for about 6 years.
He was the senior Vice-President of the Scheduled Caste Federation. My second
nominee was a B.A.,LL.B. He was a member of the Legislative Council for 7 years
in the pre-reform regime. I would like to know what earthly reasons there might
be for Mr. Nurul Amin in not selecting any of these two gentlemen and
appointing instead a person whose appointment as Minister I strongly objected
to for very rightly considerations. Without any fear of contradiction I can say
that this action of Mr. Nurul Amin in selecting Barari as a Minister in terms
of the Delhi Agreement is conclusive proof that East Bengal Govt. was neither
serious nor sincere in its profession about the terms of the Delhi Agreement
whose main purpose is to create such conditions as would enable the Hindus to
continue to live in East Bengal with a sense of security to their life,
property, honour and religion.
GOVT.
PLAN TO SOUEEZE OUT HINDUS
(
27 ) I would like to reiterate in this connection my firm conviction that
East Bengal Govt. is still following the well-planned policy of squeezing
Hindus out of the Province. In my discussion with you on more than one
occasion, I gave expression to this view of mine. I must say that this policy
of driving out Hindus from Pakistan has succeeded completely in West Pakistan
and is nearing completion in East Pakistan too. The appointment of D.N. Barari
as a Minister and the East Bengal Government's unceremonious objection to my
recommendation in this regard strictly conform to name of what they call an
Islamic State. Pakistan has not given the Hindus entire satisfaction and a full
sense of security. They now want to get rid of the Hindu intelligentsia so that
the political, economic and social life of Pakistan may not in any way be
influenced by them.
EVASIVE
TACTICS TO SHELVE JOINT ELECTORATE
(
28 ) I have failed to understand why the question of electorate has not yet
been decided. It is now three years that the minority Sub-Committee has been
appointed. It sat on three occasions. The question of having joint or separate
electorate came up for consideration at a meeting of the Committee held in
December last when all the representatives of recognised minorities in Pakistan
expressed their view in support of joint Electorate with reservation of seats
for backward minorities. We, on behalf of the Scheduled Castes think this
matter again came up for consideration at a meeting called in August last. But
without any discussion whatsoever on this point, the meeting was adjourned sine
die. It is not difficult to understand what the motive is behind this kind of
evasive tactics in regard to such a vital matter on the part of Pakistan's
rulers.
DISMAL
FUTURE FOR HINDUS
(
29 ) Coming now to the present condition and the future of Hindus in East
Bengal as a result of the Delhi Agreement, I should say that the present
condition is not only unsatisfactory but absolutely hopeless and that the
future completely dark and dismal Confidence of Hindus in East Bengal has not
been restored in the least. The Agreement is treated as a mere scrap of paper
alike by the East Bengal Government and the Muslim League.
That a pretty large number of Hindu migrants, mostly Scheduled Caste cultivators are returning to East Bengal is no indication that confidence has been restored. It only indicates that their stay and rehabilitation in West Bengal, or elsewhere in the Indian Union have not been possible. The sufferings of refugee life are compelling them to go back to their homes. Besides, many of them are going back to bring movable articles and settle or dispose of immovable properties. That no serious communal disturbance has recently taken place in East Bengal is not to be attributed to the Delhi Agreement. It could not simply continue even if there were no Agreement or Pact.
That a pretty large number of Hindu migrants, mostly Scheduled Caste cultivators are returning to East Bengal is no indication that confidence has been restored. It only indicates that their stay and rehabilitation in West Bengal, or elsewhere in the Indian Union have not been possible. The sufferings of refugee life are compelling them to go back to their homes. Besides, many of them are going back to bring movable articles and settle or dispose of immovable properties. That no serious communal disturbance has recently taken place in East Bengal is not to be attributed to the Delhi Agreement. It could not simply continue even if there were no Agreement or Pact.
(
30 ) It must be admitted that the Delhi Pact was not an end in itself. It
was intended that such conditions would be created as might effectively help
resolve so many disputes and conflict existing between India and Pakistan. But
during this period of six months after the Agreement, no dispute or conflict
has readily been resolved. On the contrary, communal propaganda and anti-India
propaganda by Pakistan both at home and abroad are continuing in full swing.
The observance of Kashmir Day by the Muslim League all over Pakistan is an
eloquent proof of communal anti-India propaganda by Pakistan. The recent speech
of the Governor of Punjab (Pak) saying that Pakistan needed a strong Army for
the security of Indian Muslims has betrayed the real attitude of Pakistan
towards India. It will only increase the tensions between the two countries.
WHAT
IS HAPPENING IN E. BENGAL TODAY
(
31 ) What is to the condition in East Bengal? About fifty lakhs of Hindus
have left since the partition of the country. Apart from the East Bengal riot
of last February, the reasons for such a large-scale exodus of Hindus are many.
The boycott by the Muslims of Hindu lawyers, medical practitioners,
shopkeepers, traders and merchants has compelled Hindus to migrate to West
Bengal in search of their means of livelihood. Wholesale requisition of Hindu
houses even without following due process of law in many and non-payment of any
rent whatsoever to the owners have compelled them to seek for Indian Shelter,
Payments rent to Hindu landlords was stopped long before. Beside, the Ansars
against whom I received complaints all over are a standing menace to the safety
and security of Hindus. Interference in matters of education and methods
adopted by the Educational Authority for Islamisation frightened the teaching
staff of Secondary Schools and Colleges out of their old familiar moorings.
They have left East Bengal. As a result, most of the educational institutions
ago the Educational Authority issued circular to Secondary Schools enjoining
compulsory participation of teachers and student of all communities in
recitation from the Holy Koran before the school work commenced, Another
circular requires Headmasters of schools to name the different blocks of the
premises after 12 distinguished Muslims, such as, Jinnah, Iqbal, Liaquat Ali,
Nazimuddin, etc. Only very recently in an educational conference held at Dacca,
the President disclosed that out of 1,500 High English Schools in East Bengal,
only 500 were working. Owing to the migration of medical practitioners there is
hardly any means of proper treatment of patients. Almost all the priests who
used to worship the household deities at Hindu houses have left. Important
places of worship have been abandoned. The result is that the Hindus of East
Bengal have got now hardly any means to follow religious pursuits and perform
social ceremonies like marriage where the services of a priest are essential.
Artisans who made images of goddesses have also left. Muslims have replaced
Hindu Presidents of Union Boards by coercive measures with the active help and
connivance of the police and Circle Officers. Muslims have replaced Hindu
Headmasters and Secretaries of Schools. The life of the few Hindu Govt.
servants has been made extremely miserable as many of them have either been superseded
by junior Muslims or dismissed without sufficient or any cause. Only very
recently a Hindu Public Prosecutor of Chittagong was arbitrarily removed from
service as has been made clear in a statement made by Srijukta Nellie Sengupta
against whom at least no charge of anti-Muslim bias prejudice or malice can be
leveled.
HINDUS
VIRTUALLY OUTLAWED
(
32 ) Commission of thefts and dacoities even with murder is going on as
before. Thana office seldom record half the complaints made by the Hindus. That
the abduction and rape of Hindu girls have been reduced to a certain extent is
due only to the fact that there is no Caste Hindu girl between the ages of 12
and 30 living in East Bengal at present. The few depressed class girls who live
in rural areas with their parents are not even spared by Muslim goondas. I have
received information about a number of incidents of rape of Scheduled Castes
Girls by Muslims.
Full payment is seldom made by Muslim buyers for the price of jute and other agricultural commodities sold by Hindus in market places. As a matter of fact, there is no operation of law, justice or fair play in Pakistan, so far as Hindus are concerned.
Full payment is seldom made by Muslim buyers for the price of jute and other agricultural commodities sold by Hindus in market places. As a matter of fact, there is no operation of law, justice or fair play in Pakistan, so far as Hindus are concerned.
FORCED
CONVERSIONS IN WEST PAKISTAN
(
33 ) Leaving aside the question of East Pakistan, let me now refer to west
Pakistan, especially Sind. The West Punjab had after partition about a lakh of
Scheduled Castes people. It may be noted that a large number of them were
converted to Islam. Only 4 out of a dozen Scheduled Castes girls abducted by
Muslims have yet been recovered in spite of repeated petitions to the
Authority. Names of those girls with names of their abductors were supplied to
the government. The last reply recently given by the office-in-Charge of
recovery of abducted girls said that "his function was to recover Hindu
girls and stat "Achuts" (Scheduled Castes) were not Hindus". The
condition of the small number of Hindus that are still living in Sind and
Karachi, the capital of Pakistan, is simply deplorable. I have got a list of
363 Hindu temples and gurudwaras of Karachi and Sind (which is by no means an
exhaustive list) which are still in possession of Muslims. Some of the temples
have been converted into cobbler's shops, slaughterhouses and hotels. None of
the Hindus has got back.
Possession of their landed properties were taken away from them without any
notice and disturbed amongst refugees and local Muslims. I personally know that
the Custodian declared 200 to 300 Hindus non-evacuees a pretty long time ago.
But up till now properties have not been restored to any one of them. Even the
possession of Karachi Pinjra Pole has not been restored to the trustees,
although it was declared non-evacuee property some time ago. In Karachi I had
received petitions from many unfortunate fathers and husbands of abducted Hindu
girls, mostly Scheduled Castes. I Drew the attention of the 2nd Provisional
Government to this fact. There was little or no effect. To my extreme regret I
received information that a large number of Scheduled Castes who are still
living in Sind have been forcibly converted to Islam.
PAKISTAN
'ACCURSED' FOR HINDUS
(
34 ) Now this being in brief the overall picture of Pakistan so far as the
Hindus are concerned, I shall not be unjustified in stating that Hindus of
Pakistan have to all intents and purposes been rendered " Stateless "
in their own houses. They have no other fault than that they profess Hindu
religion. Muslim League leaders that Pakistan is and shall be an Islamic State
are repeatedly making declarations. Islam is being offered as the sovereign
remedy for all earthly evils. In the matchless dialectics of capitalism and
socialism you present the exhilarating democratic synthesis of Islamic equality
and fraternity. In that grand setting of the Shariat Muslims alone are rulers
while Hindus and other minorities are jimmies who are entitled to protection at
a price, and you know more than anybody else Mr. Prime Minister, what that
price is. After anxious and prolonged struggle I have come to the conclusion
that Pakistan is no place for Hindus to live in and that their future is
darkened by the ominous shadow of conversion or liquidation. The bulk of the
upper class Hindus and politically conscious scheduled castes have left East
Bengal. Those Hindus who will continue to stay accursed promise and for that
matter in Pakistan will, I am afraid, by gradual stages and in a planned manner
be either converted to Islam or completely exterminated. It is really amazing
that a man of your education, culture and experience should be an exponent of a
doctrine fraught with so great a danger to humanity and subversive of all
principles of equality and good sense. I may tell you and your fellow workers
that Hindus will allow themselves, whatever the threat or temptation, to be
treated as Jimmies in the land of their birth. Today they may, as indeed many
of them have already done, abandon their hearths and home in sorrow but in
panic. Tomorrow they strive for their rightful place in the economy of life. Who
knows what is in the womb of the future? When I am convinced that my
continuance in office in the Pakistan Central Government is not of any help to
Hindus I should not with a clear conscience, create the false impression in the
minds of the Hindus of Pakistan and peoples abroad that Hindus can live there
with honour and with a sense of security in respect of their life, property and
religion. This is about Hindus.
NO
CIVIL LIBERTY EVEN FOR MUSLIMS
(
35 ) And what about the Muslims who are outside the charmed circle of the
League rulers and their corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy? There is hardly
anything called civil liberty in Pakistan. Witness for example, the fate of
Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan then whom a more devout Muslim had not walked this earth
for many years and of his gallant patriotic brother Dr. Khan Sahib. A large
number of erstwhile League leaders of the Northwest and also of the Eastern
belt of Pakistan are in detention without trial. Mr. Suhrawardy to whom is due
in a large measure the League's triumph in Bengal is for practical purposes a
Pakistan prisoner who has to move under permit and can't open his lips under
orders. Mr. Fazzul Huq, that dearly loved grand old man of Bengal, who was the
author of that now famous Lahore resolution, is ploughing his lonely furrow in
the precincts of the Dacca High Court of Judicature, and the so called Islamic
planning is as ruthless as it is complete. About the East Bengal Muslims
generally, the less said the better. They were promised at Lahore of an
independent State. They were promised of autonomous and sovereign units of the
independent State. What have they got instead? East Bengal has been transformed
into a colony of the western belt of Pakistan, although it contained a
population, which is larger than that of all the units of Pakistan put
together. It is a pale ineffective adjunct of Karachi doing the latte's bidding
and carrying out its orders. East Bengal Muslims in their enthusiasm wanted
bread and they have by the mysterious working of the Islamic state and the
Shariat got stone instead from the arid deserts of Sind and the Punjab.
MY
OWN SAD AND BITTER EXPERIENCE
(
36 ) Leaving aside the overall picture of Pakistan and the callous and
cruel injustice done to others, my own personal experience is no less sad,
bitter and revealing. You used your position as the Prime Minister and leader
of the Parliamentary Party to ask me to issue a statement, which I did on the
8th September last. You know that I was not willing to make a statement
containing untruths and half-truths, which were worse those untruths. It was
not possible for me to reject your request so long as I was there working as a
Minister with you and under your leadership. But I can no longer afford to
carry this load of false pretensions and untruth on my conscience and I have
decided to offer my resignation as your Minister, which I am hereby placing in
your hands and which, I hope, you will accept without delay. You are of course
at liberty to dispense with that office or dispose of it in such a manner as
may suit adequately and effectively the objectives of your Islamic State.
8th
Oct. 1950
Yours
Sincerely,
J.
N. Mandal
No comments:
Post a Comment